Nikol Pashinyan presented the government’s 2026–2031 program and declared the “Real Armenia” ideology and the “Fourth Republic” as the country’s new political direction, emphasizing peace, internationally recognized borders, democratic and economic reforms, asset recovery, reduced dependence on Russia and the CSTO, while defending his Karabakh policy and facing criticism over the Armenian Apostolic Church and other domestic issues.

On August 20, Nikol Pashinyan, the Prime Minister of Armenia, stated during a Cabinet meeting that the ideology of "Real Armenia" had become the official political vision guiding the country. Presenting the government's five-year program, he said the June 7, 2026, parliamentary elections had demonstrated public support for this approach and marked the beginning of a new stage in Armenia's history, which he referred to as the "Fourth Republic."

Pashinyan contrasted the foundations of the Third and Fourth Republics, arguing that the former had been shaped by the logic of conflict, while the latter would be built around peace. He said the Third Republic's political philosophy was centered on restoring historical justice, with the Karabakh movement serving as one of its main practical manifestations. According to him, many political figures from Armenia's older and middle generations emerged from that movement. He also acknowledged that elements of this ideology had remained present in the Civil Contract party's 2021 election platform, including its stated goal of “de-occupying Shusha and Hadrut”. However, Pashinyan said he had come to recognize during that election campaign that the country's primary objective should instead be a peace agenda.

He stated that the new government program would continue the "revolutionary" agenda launched in 2018, particularly through democratic, anti-corruption, and economic reforms. Pashinyan emphasized that the government needed to give fresh momentum to these processes while completing reforms that he said had remained unfinished.

During a briefing on August 20, Pashinyan also criticized Armenia's judicial system, particularly its ability to investigate cases involving wealthy and politically influential individuals. Referring to businessman Gagik Tsarukyan, he questioned why Tsarukyan should have remained free for so long, while arguing that the deeper problem was the judiciary's inability to effectively handle cases affecting elite interests. "This is a fundamental problem, rooted in judicial procedures," Pashinyan stated, adding that the authorities had made substantial efforts but could not yet claim that the issue had been fully resolved.

The Prime Minister further announced that Armenian authorities would soon publish a detailed report addressing what he described as issues of spiritual security and the Armenian Apostolic Church's departure from its canonical framework. Asked which external actors were allegedly attempting to use the Church as a platform in a hybrid confrontation, Pashinyan avoided naming specific states and instead referred to an upcoming official document. He stated that the authorities considered the Church's current situation a serious issue and said the government's election and action programs already contained measures addressing it.

Pashinyan also addressed questions concerning former President Armen Sarkissian's renunciation of British citizenship. He confirmed that he had personally seen documents related to the matter, explaining that he had examined them in the presence of a witness at the Armenia Marriott Hotel. According to Pashinyan, Tevan Poghosyan, who at the time served as an adviser or assistant to Sarkissian, was also present when the documents were shown to him.

The Prime Minister additionally defended his decisions concerning the Karabakh conflict, arguing that the Armenian people had always retained the ability to remove a government through revolution. He recalled that when he announced the end of the Karabakh movement, he had said that the people could launch another revolution if they believed his policy was wrong. Pashinyan maintained that difficult decisions concerning Karabakh had helped Armenia escape what he described as a trap. "The people of Armenia share this opinion; otherwise, I wouldn't be standing here today," he emphasized.

He said that during his government's tenure, Armenia had provided more than $1 billion in additional funding to Nagorno-Karabakh, noting that spending there had included relatively high pensions and other forms of financial support. Pashinyan argued that the government had also been forced to confront issues that had previously been left unaddressed.

Addressing the role of the clergy, Pashinyan reiterated that religious figures should remain politically neutral. He argued that clergymen should not identify themselves with individual politicians or political factions, stating that his own position was to be "pro-Armenian" and that his decisions were based on Armenia's interests.

On August 24, Pashinyan presented the government's program for 2026-2031 to the National Assembly and described the June 7 election result as the political foundation of the "Fourth Republic." He stated that citizens had voted for a state whose primary purpose was to guarantee peace, freedom, security, and prosperity within Armenia's internationally recognized territory of 29,743 square kilometers, while also preserving and developing the national identity.

Pashinyan argued that the philosophy underpinning the Third Republic had emerged from the 1990 Declaration of Independence and the Karabakh movement, which sought to restore historical justice. By contrast, he said, "Real Armenia" placed the Republic of Armenia itself at the center of state policy. He declared that "the Fourth Republic has been founded" and described it as a reality rather than merely a political concept.

He linked this transformation to what he considered a long-term rejection of the political model associated with military victory and the Karabakh conflict. Referring to the 2021 elections, Pashinyan said voters had rejected the opposition's argument that a defeated government should leave power and instead granted the Civil Contract party another mandate. He contrasted this with previous presidents who had presented themselves as victorious wartime leaders and, according to him, subsequently retained power through fraud, force, murder, or terror. He said the events culminating in the 2018 Velvet Revolution demonstrated that Armenian society had increasingly recognized the Karabakh conflict as a trap that prevented the establishment of a truly independent, secure, and prosperous state.

According to Pashinyan, the 2018 revolution was intended not only to change the government but also to increase the population's role in defining Armenia's political direction. He argued that this process had gradually become institutionalized and that the "Real Armenia" ideology represented its latest manifestation.

Presenting the government's program, Pashinyan also pledged to complete what he described as the unfinished agenda of the 2018 Velvet Revolution. He listed establishing justice, ending impunity and oligarchy, returning illegally acquired property to the state and citizens, investigating high-profile crimes, strengthening democratic institutions, eliminating corruption, and improving transparent and participatory governance among the government's priorities.

He stated that the system for recovering illegally acquired property was already operational and that approximately 304.182 billion drams in property and funds had been returned to the state through asset-recovery and mechanisms protecting state and community interests. Pashinyan also pointed to Armenia's participation in the Zangezur Copper and Molybdenum Combine, the Amulsar project, and Viva Armenia, as well as the recovery of thousands of hectares of land that had allegedly been illegally privatized.

The Prime Minister further noted that state budget revenues had more than doubled by the end of 2025 compared with 2017, attributing part of the increase to economic growth and the reduction of the shadow economy. Under the 2026-2031 government program, authorities aim to recover approximately $2 billion in illegally acquired assets by 2031. Pashinyan cited developments involving Electric Networks of Armenia, Ararat Cement, and the Tsaghkadzor ropeway as evidence that the process would continue.

Addressing his previous statement that "Artsakh is Armenia, period," Pashinyan said he now viewed the Karabakh movement as a political project that ultimately threatened Armenia's statehood and future. He acknowledged his own long-standing commitment to the movement and said that this commitment had initially given him and his colleagues the confidence to pursue its objectives. However, he argued that the experience of the previous 35 years had ultimately demonstrated the need to abandon that political logic.

Pashinyan said Armenia had devoted enormous resources to Karabakh, including more than $1 billion during his government's tenure, before eventually recognizing what he described as the destructive consequences of the movement's underlying political project. He argued that closing this chapter was necessary to preserve Armenian statehood and create new opportunities for the country's future.

He also warned against seeking Armenia's homeland outside the Republic's internationally recognized borders. Referring to Azerbaijan, Turkey, Iran, and Georgia, Pashinyan argued that looking for Armenia in neighboring countries creates a reciprocal justification for those states to seek their own historical homelands within Armenia. In his view, such an approach would leave Armenia in a "one against four" position and increase its dependence on external powers.

According to Pashinyan, the historical logic that had shaped Armenia's politics until recent years had produced repeated insecurity and conflict. He said the phrase "Artsakh is Armenia, period" had been part of a broader process that eventually forced Armenian society to reconsider its historical trajectory. He described the present period as a "crossroads of the future," with the Republic of Armenia itself serving as the center of the country's new political direction.

Pashinyan also addressed the Armenian Apostolic Church during the August 24 National Assembly session, saying he approached the issue as a faithful member of the Church but believed Armenia was facing a serious deterioration in spiritual life. He argued that some of those defending the Church did not even know the Lord's Prayer and claimed that there were different "classes" within the Armenian Apostolic Church.

Sevak Khachatryan, an MP from the opposition Armenia bloc, rejected the government's position, stating that the campaign against the Church was politically motivated and that elements of it were unconstitutional. He argued that the attacks intensified after the Catholicos raised the Nagorno-Karabakh issue in Geneva and after clergy members began referring to Nagorno-Karabakh during religious services.

Pashinyan responded that the Church should remain outside politics and warned that crossing the boundary between spiritual and political activity would have serious consequences. He also alleged that the Catholicos had a child despite his religious vows, although he did not provide evidence for the claim.

While presenting the five-year program, Pashinyan announced that he had ordered a report on what he called the "deep crisis" within the Armenian Apostolic Church. During his speech, he repeatedly referred to Catholicos of All Armenians Garegin II by his secular name, Ktrich Nersisyan, prompting opposition MPs to bang their desks. Members of the ruling Civil Contract faction, except Andranik Kocharyan and Sasun Mikaelyan, applauded his remarks, while National Assembly Speaker Ruben Rubinyan repeatedly called for order.

Pashinyan also declared that Armenia did not intend to return to the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) during the next five years and said he would welcome the possibility of Armenia being expelled. "I will be very happy if the Organization decides to expel the Republic of Armenia," he stated, arguing that such a decision would eliminate the dilemma over whether Armenia should leave the organization itself.

At the same time, Pashinyan said Armenia's objective was to maintain a dialogue with Russia based on mutually beneficial and comprehensive cooperation while reshaping bilateral relations within a more balanced foreign policy. He emphasized that Yerevan intended to pursue peace in the region without escalating tensions.

Pashinyan accused the Armenian opposition of encouraging Russian economic restrictions against Armenia and alleged that opposition figures had asked contacts in Moscow to facilitate a change of government. He claimed that these actors believed economic pressure could trigger a socioeconomic crisis and ultimately lead to street protests. The Prime Minister said similar plans had failed in the past and predicted that the latest effort would also fail, arguing that Armenians would not surrender their statehood, independence, or sovereignty.

He connected this argument to the government's policy of economic diversification, saying recent developments had demonstrated the importance of reducing Armenia's dependence on individual markets. Pashinyan cited the disruption of oil-product supplies associated with the Strait of Hormuz and developments in Russia, arguing that Armenia avoided a gasoline shortage because its petroleum market had been liberalized. He also pointed to the introduction of petroleum imports from Azerbaijan in 2025 and noted that petroleum products had been imported from 20 different countries between 2024 and 2026. According to him, this diversification should be expanded across both exports and imports.

During the same National Assembly session, Pashinyan also addressed the use of historical names for Armenian settlements. "Do you know what our problem is? It's that we call the village of Ararat in the Ararat region Davalu, and Kyarki Tigranashen," he stated, arguing that such terminology reflected a tendency to search for Armenia beyond the borders of the Republic itself.

Gegham Manukyan, an MP from the opposition Armenia bloc, responded by criticizing Pashinyan's educational background and claiming that he had received a diploma from Yerevan State University only after becoming prime minister and had remained in the same class for seven years. Pashinyan rejected the claim, responding: "I don't have a diploma from Yerevan State University. I have a record book, which contains nothing but excellent grades."